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On this page: biography, selections from a review of Holocaust Odysseys: The Jews of Saint-Martin-Vesubie and Their Flight Through France and Italy by Susan Zuccotti, "A Nobel laureate on the birth of a Nation" by Alison Kelly from The Observer, De Clezio's Nobel Lecture from The Guardian , Borgo San Dalmazzo, “Every Word Contains the World,” A Conversation Between Adam Gopnik and Nobel Prize Winner J.M.G. Le Clézio

Biography

Le Clézio was born in the French Riviera city of Nice to a Mauritian doctor with British citizenship and French mother. His ancestors emigrated from Brittany to the île Maurice—today's Mauritius—in the 18th century. During World War II, the family was separated, his father being unable to join his wife and children in Nice. Le Clézio moved with his family at age 8 to Nigeria where his father served as a surgeon in the British army. After studying at Bristol University from 1958 to 1959, he finished his undergraduate degree at Nice's Institut d’etudes Litteraires. After several years spent in London and Bristol, he moved to the United States to work as a teacher. He was assigned to Thailand in 1967 for his military service, but was quickly expelled for protesting against child prostitution and sent to Mexico to finish his military obligation. From 1970 to 1974, he lived with the Embera-Wounaan Indians in Panama.

Le Clézio earned a master's degree with a thesis on Henri Michaux from the University of Aix-en-Provence in 1964, and wrote a doctoral thesis in 1983 on Mexico’s early history for the University of Perpignan (he is a specialist on Michoacán). He has been married since 1975 to Jémia, who is Moroccan. Since the 1990s they have divided their residence between Albuquerque, New Mexico, Mauritius, and Nice.He has taught at numerous universities around the world. A frequent visitor to South Korea, he taught French language and literature at Ewha Womans University in Seoul for two semesters from 2007 to 2008.

Works and writing

Le Clézio has been writing since age seven; his first work was a book about the sea. After majoring in French literature, he became well-known at age 23 with the publication of his first novel, Le Procès-Verbal (The Interrogation), which was shortlisted for the Prix Goncourt and for which he was awarded the Prix Renaudot in 1963.

Since then he has published about thirty books, including short stories, novels, essays, two translations on the subject of Native American mythology, countless prefaces and reviews as well as a few contributions to collective publications. In addition he is the author of several children's books.

From 1963 to 1975 Le Clézio explored themes like insanity, language, writing and devoted himself to formal experimentation in the wake of such contemporaries as Georges Perec or Michel Butor. Le Clézio's public image was that of an innovator and a rebel, drawing praise from Michel Foucault and Gilles Deleuze.

In the late 1970s Le Clézio's style underwent a drastic change; he abandoned experimentation, and the mood of his novels became less tormented as he broached themes like childhood, adolescence, and traveling, which attracted a broader, more popular audience. In 1980 Le Clézio was the first winner of the newly created grand prix Paul Morand, awarded to Désert by the Académie française.

In 1994 a survey conducted by the French literary magazine Lire showed that 13% of the readers considered him to be the greatest living French language writer.

He was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature in 2008. Other French citizens to receive the prize include Gao Xingjian in 2000; he is the first French-language writer to win since Claude Simon in 1985. The Swedish Academy, in announcing the award, called Le Clézio an "author of new departures, poetic adventure and sensual ecstasy, explorer of a humanity beyond and below the reigning civilization

http://web.france.com/people/Jean-Marie_Gustave_Le_Clezio

 

 

Book review By Peter Ephross Published June 06, 2007, issue of June 08, 2007.  The Jewish Forward

Holocaust Odysseys: The Jews of Saint-Martin-Vesubie and Their Flight Through France and Italy By Susan Zuccotti Yale University Press, 288 pages, $28.

................

Zuccotti intersperses the memories of nine families with archival documentation. The people she focuses on were all displaced to France in the late 1930s or in 1940. Most made their way to southern France, which was unoccupied by the Nazis but still governed by Vichy French collaborators.......

The refugees’ wartime flight south brought them into southern France (the Saint-Martin-Vesubie in the subtitle refers to an Italian-occupied village in southern France where the refugees lived, along with more than 1,000 other foreign-born Jews, for several months in 1943) and then into Italy after it capitulated to the Allies. .........

Many of the survivors thought that making it to Italy would ensure their safety, but instead they found that Germans had taken over much of the country. As the Nazi noose tightened, these survivors’ lives turned more perilous and their survival tactics more ingenious. In November 1943, German SS officers arrested scores of Jews in Florence, Italy, and took them to a nearby Italian military camp. ...........

.... Unlike in much of Eastern Europe, Vichy France at first featured a “loose, flexible nature of internment,” reliant on local officials, that allowed some “indigent, unwelcome” Jewish refugees to be interned and then released, or not even interned at all. Only later did large-scale deportations become the norm. As a result, a higher percentage of Jews in France — an estimated 76% — survived than elsewhere in Europe.

This percentage, however, was much lower among foreign-born Jews. During the war, it was tough to be Jewish and tough to be a foreigner in France; Zuccotti’s subjects faced double jeopardy. Beginning in July 1940 and for the next few months, the Vichy government passed its first regulations “against those it considered not truly French.” The harshest of these measures allowed local officials to intern indigent male immigrants, including Jews, between the ages of 18 and 55. As the war progressed, persecution intensified against Jews of all backgrounds. In 1942, one month before a major round-up and deportation of Jews living in Paris, Vichy officials agreed to deliver 10,000 recent immigrant and refugee Jews to the occupied zone.

Zuccotti’s approach leads her to focus on stories of survival (the book grew out of a 60th reunion of Saint-Martin-Vesubie Jews), .....

Peter Ephross reviews books regularly for Publishers Weekly.

http://www.forward.com/articles/10872/

 

A Nobel laureate on the birth of a Nation

Alison Kelly Sunday 18 January 2009 The Observer

There is a grim timeliness in the republication of Wandering Star coinciding with Israel's military offensive in Gaza. Le Clézio's novel is a moving account of the intersecting destinies of two teenage girls following the proclamation of the state of Israel: Esther, a Holocaust survivor and immigrant to the new Jewish state, and Njema, a Palestinian who is displaced by the partition of her homeland. The desperate battle for this territory is described by a young Israeli soldier in the novel as the last war, the war that will secure the Jews' possession of Eretz Yisrael. But Jewish settlement entails Palestinian expulsion and 60 years later the war continues.

Wandering Star belongs to Le Clézio's second phase as a writer, when he embraced relatively conventional modes of storytelling complete with familiar devices such as characters, settings and plots. As a younger man he had renounced such devices. In 1963, at the age of 23, the glamorous Franco-Mauritian intellectual shot to fame with his anti-novelistic Renaudot prize winner, Le Procès-verbal, and he continued to publish experimental works into the 1970s.

English translations of several of these have been reissued in paperback since Le Clézio won the Nobel Prize for Literature last year - from Vintage, Simon Watson Taylor's translations The Book of Flights, The Giants and War; and from Penguin The Interrogation, The Flood, Terra Amata and the story collection Fever. These are strange books, not so much coherent narratives as eruptions of consciousness, hyper-detailed registers of the phenomena of modern life intertwined with existential meditations. They have an air of science fiction or modernist allegory: dystopian fantasies about war, power, money and sex permeated with hatred and violence. Narrators return obsessively to questions about the human condition. Why are destruction and suffering ubiquitous? Can freedom or happiness ever be possible? But the only answers are pessimistic: "The war is everywhere." "Nobody will survive unscathed."

This message provides a link between Wandering Star and Le Clézio's earlier works. The novel's dedication - "To the captured children" - reflects a concern with those caught up in conflict and in following the twin histories of Esther and Njema, Le Clézio returns to the problem of innocent victims he raised in War: "Is there - and this is the question, the real question - is there one girl, just one, whether she be called Bea or Eva or Djema, who has not experienced the war?"

Wandering Star covers almost 40 years (1943-1982) and ranges from Europe to the Middle East to Canada and back again. By far the longest part is devoted to Esther's experiences before escaping to Israel, first in the French alpine village of Saint-Martin-Vésubie under the relatively benign occupation of the Fourth Italian Army and then, following the Italian surrender and withdrawal, her flight across the mountains into Italy.

Esther's responsiveness to the beauty of the landscape is bound up with her sexual awakening under the competing attentions of two boys. The resulting narrative is highly charged with phenomenological and metaphysical awareness, sometimes to the point of overkill.

Having said that, one of the most powerful qualities of the novel is the sense Le Clézio creates of the human connection to place and the anguish of exile and dispossession. "Does not the sun shine for us all?" asks one of the refugees in the novel. "Does not the land belong to everyone?" Persecuted European Jews like Esther are sustained in their ordeal by the Hebrew Book of the Beginning with its promise of a covenanted land, but in Palestinian mythology the same landscape is their God-given paradise.

In chronicling the parallel sufferings of Jews and Arabs, Le Clézio gives us a sadly topical retelling of what he calls elsewhere "the greatest, most ancient of all quests: of a habitat".

http://www.guardian.co.uk/books/2009/jan/18/wandering-star-jean-marie-gustave

 

Nobel Lecture

December 7, 2008

In the forest of paradoxes

Why do we write? I imagine that each of us has his or her own response to this simple question. One has predispositions, a milieu, circumstances. Shortcomings, too. If we are writing, it means that we are not acting. That we find ourselves in difficulty when we are faced with reality, and so we have chosen another way to react, another way to communicate, a certain distance, a time for reflection.

If I examine the circumstances which inspired me to write–and this is not mere self-indulgence, but a desire for accuracy–I see clearly that the starting point of it all for me was war. Not war in the sense of a specific time of major upheaval, where historical events are experienced, such as the French campaign on the battlefield at Valmy, as recounted by Goethe on the German side and my ancestor François on the side of the armée révolutionnaire. That must have been a moment full of exaltation and pathos. No, for me war is what civilians experience, very young children first and foremost. Not once has war ever seemed to me to be an historical moment. We were hungry, we were frightened, we were cold, and that is all. I remember seeing the troops of Field Marshal Rommel pass by under my window as they headed towards the Alps, seeking a passage to the north of Italy and Austria. I do not have a particularly vivid memory of that event. I do recall, however, that during the years which followed the war we were deprived of everything, in particular books and writing materials. For want of paper and ink, I made my first drawings and wrote my first texts on the back of the ration books, using a carpenter's blue and red pencil. This left me with a certain preference for rough paper and ordinary pencils. For want of any children's books, I read my grandmother's dictionaries. They were like a marvellous gateway, through which I embarked on a discovery of the world, to wander and daydream as I looked at the illustrated plates, and the maps, and the lists of unfamiliar words. The first book I wrote, at the age of six or seven, was entitled, moreover, Le Globe à mariner. Immediately afterwards came a biography of an imaginary king named Daniel III—could he have been Swedish?—and a tale told by a seagull. It was a time of reclusion. Children were scarcely allowed outdoors to play, because in the fields and gardens near my grandmother's there were land mines. I recall that one day as I was out walking by the sea I came across an enclosure surrounded by barbed wire: on the fence was a sign in French and in German that threatened intruders with a forbidding message, and a skull to make things perfectly clear.

It is easy, in such a context, to understand the urge to escape—hence, to dream, and put those dreams in writing. My maternal grandmother, moreover, was an extraordinary storyteller, and she set aside the long afternoons for the telling of stories. They were always very imaginative, and were set in a forest—perhaps it was in Africa, or in Mauritius, the forest of Macchabée—where the main character was a monkey who had a great talent for mischief, and who always wriggled his way out of the most perilous situations. Later, I would travel to Africa and spend time there, and discover the real forest, one where there were almost no animals. But a District Officer in the village of Obudu, near the border with Cameroon, showed me how to listen for the drumming of the gorillas on a nearby hill, pounding their chests. And from that journey, and the time I spent there (in Nigeria, where my father was a bush doctor), it was not subject matter for future novels that I brought back, but a sort of second personality, a daydreamer who was fascinated with reality at the same time, and this personality has stayed with me all my life—and has constituted a contradictory dimension, a strangeness in myself that at times has been a source of suffering. Given the slowness of life, it has taken me the better part of my existence to understand the significance of this contradiction.

Books entered my life at a later period. When my father's inheritance was divided, at the time of his expulsion from the family home in Moka, in Mauritius, he managed to put together several libraries consisting of the books that remained. It was then that I understood a truth not immediately apparent to children, that books are a treasure more precious than any real property or bank account. It was in those volumes—most of them ancient, bound tomes—that I discovered the great works of world literature: Don Quijote, illustrated by Tony Johannot; La vida de Lazarillo de Tormes; the Ingoldsby Legends; Gulliver's Travels; Victor Hugo's great, inspired novels Quatre-vingt-treize, Les Travailleurs de la Mer, and L'Homme qui rit. Balzac's Les Contes drôlatiques, as well. But the books which had the greatest impact on me were the anthologies of travellers' tales, most of them devoted to India, Africa, and the Mascarene islands, or the great histories of exploration by Dumont d'Urville or the Abbé Rochon, as well as Bougainville, Cook, and of course The Travels of Marco Polo. In the mediocre life of a little provincial town dozing in the sun, after those years of freedom in Africa, those books gave me a taste for adventure, gave me a sense of the vastness of the real world, a means to explore it through instinct and the senses rather than through knowledge. In a way, too, those books gave me, from very early on, an awareness of the contradictory nature of a child's existence: a child will cling to a sanctuary, a place to forget violence and competitiveness, and also take pleasure in looking through the windowpane to watch the outside world go by.

Shortly before I received the—to me, astonishing—news that the Swedish Academy was awarding me this distinction, I was re-reading a little book by Stig Dagerman that I am particularly fond of: a collection of political essays entitled Essäer och texter. It was no mere chance that I was re-reading this bitter, abrasive book. I was preparing a trip to Sweden to receive the prize which the Association of the Friends of Stig Dagerman had awarded to me the previous summer, to visit the places where the writer had lived as a child. I have always been particularly receptive to Dagerman's writing, to the way in which he combines a child-like tenderness with naïveté and sarcasm. And to his idealism. To the clear-sightedness with which he judges his troubled, post-war era—that of his mature years, and of my childhood. One sentence in particular caught my attention, and seemed to be addressed to me at that very moment, for I had just published a novel entitled Ritournelle de la faim. That sentence, or that passage rather, is as follows: "How is it possible on the one hand, for example, to behave as if nothing on earth were more important than literature, and on the other fail to see that wherever one looks, people are struggling against hunger and will necessarily consider that the most important thing is what they earn at the end of the month? Because this is where he (the writer) is confronted with a new paradox: while all he wanted was to write for those who are hungry, he now discovers that it is only those who have plenty to eat who have the leisure to take notice of his existence." (The Writer and Consciousness)

This "forest of paradoxes", as Stig Dagerman calls it, is, precisely, the realm of writing, the place from which the artist must not attempt to escape: on the contrary, he or she must "camp out" there in order to examine every detail, explore every path, name every tree. It is not always a pleasant stay. He thought he had found shelter, she was confiding in her page as if it were a close, indulgent friend; but now these writers are confronted with reality, not merely as observers, but as actors. They must choose sides, establish their distance. Cicero, Rabelais, Condorcet, Rousseau, Madame de Staël, or, far more recently, Solzhenitsyn or Hwang Sok-yong, Abdelatif Laâbi, or Milan Kundera: all were obliged to follow the path of exile. For someone like myself who has always—except during that brief war-time period—enjoyed freedom of movement, the idea that one might be forbidden to live in the place one has chosen is as inadmissible as being deprived of one's freedom.

But the privilege of freedom of movement results in the paradox. Look, for a moment, at the tree with its prickly thorns that is at the very heart of the forest where the writer lives: this man, this woman, busily writing, inventing their dreams—do they not belong to a very fortunate and exclusive happy few? Let us pause and imagine an extreme, terrifying situation—like the one in which the vast majority of people on our planet find themselves. A situation which, long ago, at the time of Aristotle, or Tolstoy, was shared by those who had no status—serfs, servants, villeins in Europe in the Middle Ages, or those peoples who during the Enlightenment were plundered from the coast of Africa, sold in Gorée, or El Mina, or Zanzibar. And even today, as I am speaking to you, there are all those who do not have freedom of speech, who are on the other side of language. I am overcome by Dagerman's pessimistic thoughts, rather than by Gramsci's militancy, or Sartre's disillusioned wager. The idea that literature is the luxury of a dominant class, feeding on ideas and images that remain foreign to the vast majority: that is the source of the malaise that each of us is feeling—as I address those who read, who write. Of course one would like to spread the word to all those who have been excluded, to invite them magnanimously to the banquet of culture. Why is this so difficult? Peoples without writing, as the anthropologists like to call them, have succeeded in inventing a form of total communication, through song and myth. Why has this become impossible for our industrialized societies, in the present day? Must we reinvent culture? Must we return to an immediate, direct form of communication? It is tempting to believe that the cinema fulfils just such a role in our time, or popular music with its rhythms and rhymes, its echoes of the dance. Or jazz and, in other climes, calypso, maloya, sega.

The paradox is not a recent one. François Rabelais, the greatest writer in the French language, waged war long ago against the pedantry of the scholars at the Sorbonne by taunting them to their face with words plucked from the common tongue. Was he speaking for those who were hungry? Excess, intoxication, feasting. He put into words the extraordinary appetite of those who dined off the emaciation of peasants and workers, just long enough for a masquerade, a world turned upside down. The paradox of revolution, like the epic cavalcade of the sad-faced knight, lives within the writer's consciousness. If there is one virtue which the writer's pen must always have, it is that it must never be used to praise the powerful, even with the faintest of scribblings. And yet just because an artist observes this virtuous behaviour does not mean that he may feel purged of all suspicion. His rebellion, denial, and imprecations definitely remain to one side of the barrier, the side of the language of power. A few words, a few phrases may have escaped. But the rest? A long palimpsest, an elegant and distant time of procrastination. And there is humour, sometimes, which is not the politeness of despair, but the despairing of those who know too well their imperfections; humour is the shore where the tumultuous current of injustice has abandoned them.

Why write, then? For some time now, writers have no longer been so presumptuous as to believe that they can change the world, that they will, through their stories and novels, give birth to a better example for how life should be. Simply, they would like to bear witness. See that other tree in the forest of paradoxes. The writer would like to bear witness, when in fact, most of the time, he is nothing more than a simple voyeur.

And yet there are artists who do become witnesses: Dante in the La Divina Commedia, Shakespeare in The Tempest—and Aimé Césaire in his magnificent adaptation of that play, entitled Une Tempête, in which Caliban, sitting astride a barrel of gunpowder, threatens to blow himself up and take his despised masters with him. There are also those witnesses who are unimpeachable, such as Euclides da Cunha in Os Sertões, or Primo Levi. We see the absurdity of the world in Der Prozess (or in the films of Charlie Chaplin); its imperfection in Colette's La Naissance du jour, its phantasmagoria in the Irish ballad Joyce created in Finnegans Wake. Its beauty shines, brilliantly, irresistibly, in Peter Matthiessen's The Snow Leopard or in Aldo Leopold's A Sand County Almanac. Its wickedness in William Faulkner's Sanctuary, or in Lao She's First Snow. Its childhood fragility in Dagerman's Ormen (The Snake).

The best writer as witness is the one who is a witness in spite of himself, unwillingly. The paradox is that he does not bear witness to something he has seen, or even to what he has invented. Bitterness, even despair may arise because he cannot be present at the indictment. Tolstoy may show us the suffering that Napoleon's army inflicted upon Russia, and yet nothing is changed in the course of history. Claire de Duras wrote Ourika, and Harriet Beecher Stowe Uncle Tom's Cabin, but it was the enslaved peoples themselves who changed their own destiny, who rebelled and fought against injustice by creating the Maroon resistance in Brazil, in French Guiana, and in the West Indies, and the first black republic in Haiti.

To act: that is what the writer would like to be able to do, above all. To act, rather than to bear witness. To write, imagine, and dream in such a way that his words and inventions and dreams will have an impact upon reality, will change people's minds and hearts, will prepare the way for a better world. And yet, at that very moment, a voice is whispering to him that it will not be possible, that words are words that are taken away on the winds of society, and dreams are mere illusions. What right has he to wish he were better? Is it really up to the writer to try to find solutions? Is he not in the position of the gamekeeper in the play Knock ou Le Triomphe de la médecine, who would like to prevent an earthquake? How can the writer act, when all he knows is how to remember?

Solitude will be his lot in life. It always has been. As a child, he was a fragile, anxious, excessively receptive boy, or the girl described by Colette, who cannot help but watch as her parents tear each other apart, her big black eyes enlarged with a sort of painful attentiveness. Solitude is affectionate to writers, and it is in the company of solitude that they find the essence of happiness. It is a contradictory happiness, a mixture of pain and delight, an illusory triumph, a muted, omnipresent torment, not unlike a haunting little tune. The writer, better than anyone, knows how to cultivate the vital, poisonous plant, the one that grows only in the soil of his own powerlessness. The writer wanted to speak for everyone, and for every era: there he is, there she is, each alone in a room, facing the too-white mirror of the blank page, beneath the lampshade distilling its secret light. Or sitting at the too-bright screen of the computer, listening to the sound of one's fingers clicking over the keys. This, then, is the writer's forest. And each writer knows every path in that forest all too well. If, now and again, something escapes, like a bird flushed by a dog at dawn, then the writer looks on, amazed—this happened merely by chance, in spite of oneself.

It is not my wish, however, to revel in negativity. Literature—and this is what I have been driving at—is not some archaic relic that ought, logically, to be replaced by the audiovisual arts, the cinema in particular. Literature is a complex, difficult path, but I hold it to be even more vital today than in the time of Byron or Victor Hugo.

There are two reasons why literature is necessary:
First of all, because literature is made up of language. The primary sense of the word: letters, that which is written. In French, the word roman refers to those texts in prose which for the first time after the Middle Ages used the new language spoken by the people, a Romance language. And the word for short story, nouvelle, also derives from this notion of novelty. At roughly the same time, in France, the word rimeur (from rime, or rhyme) fell out of use for designating poetry and poets—the new words come from the Greek verb poiein, to create. The writer, the poet, the novelist, are all creators. This does not mean that they invent language, it means that they use language to create beauty, ideas, images. This is why we cannot do without them. Language is the most extraordinary invention in the history of humanity, the one which came before everything, and which makes it possible to share everything. Without language there would be no science, no technology, no law, no art, no love. But without another person with whom to interact, the invention becomes virtual. It may atrophy, diminish, disappear. Writers, to a certain degree, are the guardians of language. When they write their novels, their poetry, their plays, they keep language alive. They are not merely using words—on the contrary, they are at the service of language. They celebrate it, hone it, transform it, because language lives through them and because of them, and it accompanies all the social and economic transformations of their era.

When, in the last century, racist theories were expressed, there was talk of fundamental differences between cultures. In a sort of absurd hierarchy, a correlation was drawn between the economic success of the colonial powers and their purported cultural superiority. Such theories, like a feverish, unhealthy urge, tend to resurface here and there, now and again, to justify neo-colonialism or imperialism. There are, we are told, certain nations that lag behind, who have not acquired their rights and privileges where language is concerned, because they are economically backward or technologically outdated. But have those who prone their cultural superiority realized that all peoples, the world over, whatever their degree of development, use language? And that each of these languages has, identically, a set of logical, complex, structured, analytical features that enable it to express the world, that enable it to speak of science, or invent myths?

Now that I have defended the existence of that ambiguous and somewhat passé creature we call a writer, I would like to turn to the second reason for the necessity of literature, for this has more to do with the fine profession of publishing.

There is a great deal of talk about globalization these days. People forget that in fact the phenomenon began in Europe during the Renaissance, with the beginnings of the colonial era. Globalization is not a bad thing in and of itself. Communication has accelerated progress in medicine and in science. Perhaps the generalization of information will help to forestall conflicts. Who knows, if the Internet had existed at the time, perhaps Hitler's criminal plot would not have succeeded—ridicule might have prevented it from ever seeing the light of day.

We live in the era of the Internet and virtual communication. This is a good thing, but what would these astonishing inventions be worth, were it not for the teachings of written language and books? To provide nearly everyone on the planet with a liquid crystal display is utopian. Are we not, therefore, in the process of creating a new elite, of drawing a new line to divide the world between those who have access to communication and knowledge, and those who are left out? Great nations, great civilizations have vanished because they failed to realize that this could happen. To be sure, there are great cultures, considered to be in a minority, who have been able to resist until this day, thanks to the oral transmission of knowledge and myths. It is indispensable, and beneficial, to acknowledge the contribution of these cultures. But whether we like it or not, even if we have not yet attained the age of reality, we are no longer living in the age of myths. It is not possible to provide a foundation for equality and the respect of others unless each child receives the benefits of writing.

And now, in this era following decolonization, literature has become a way for the men and women in our time to express their identity, to claim their right to speak, and to be heard in all their diversity. Without their voices, their call, we would live in a world of silence.

Culture on a global scale concerns us all. But it is above all the responsibility of readers—of publishers, in other words. True, it is unjust that an Indian from the far north of Canada, if he wishes to be heard, must write in the language of the conquerors—in French, or in English. True, it is an illusion to expect that the Creole language of Mauritius or the West Indies might be heard as easily around the world as the five or six languages that reign today as absolute monarchs over the media. But if, through translation, their voices can be heard, then something new is happening, a cause for optimism. Culture, as I have said, belongs to us all, to all humankind. But in order for this to be true, everyone must be given equal access to culture. The book, however old-fashioned it may be, is the ideal tool. It is practical, easy to handle, economical. It does not require any particular technological prowess, and keeps well in any climate. Its only flaw—and this is where I would like to address publishers in particular—is that in a great number of countries it is still very difficult to gain access to books. In Mauritius the price of a novel or a collection of poetry is equivalent to a sizeable portion of the family budget. In Africa, Southeast Asia, Mexico, or the South Sea Islands, books remain an inaccessible luxury. And yet remedies to this situation do exist. Joint publication with the developing countries, the establishment of funds for lending libraries and bookmobiles, and, overall, greater attention to requests from and works in so-called minority languages—which are often clearly in the majority—would enable literature to continue to be this wonderful tool for self-knowledge, for the discovery of others, and for listening to the concert of humankind, in all the rich variety of its themes and modulations.

I think I would like to say a few more words about the forest. It is no doubt for this reason that Stig Dagerman's little sentence is still echoing in my memory, and for this reason that I want to read it and re-read it, to fill myself with it. There is a note of despair in his words, and something triumphant at the same time, because it is in bitterness that we can find the grain of truth that each of us seeks. As a child, I dreamt of that forest. It frightened me and fascinated me at the same time—I suppose that Tom Thumb and Hansel must have felt that way, when they were deep in the forest, surrounded by all its dangers and its wonders. The forest is a world without landmarks. You can get lost in the thickness of trees and the impenetrable darkness. The same could be said of the desert, or the open ocean, where every dune, every hill gives way to yet another identical hill, every wave to yet another perfectly identical wave. I remember the first time I experienced just what literature could be—in Jack London's The Call of the Wild, to be exact, where one of the characters, lost in the snow, felt the cold gaining on him just as the circle of wolves was closing round him. He looked at his hand, which was already numb, and tried to move each finger one after the other. There was something magical in this discovery for me, as a child. It was called self-awareness.

To the forest I owe one of the greatest literary emotions of my adult life. This was about thirty years ago, in a region of Central America known as El Tapón del Darién, the Darién Gap, because that is where, in those days (and I believe the situation has not changed in the meantime), there was an interruption in the Pan-American Highway that was meant to join the two Americas from Alaska to the tip of Tierra del Fuego. In this region of the isthmus of Panama the rainforest is extremely dense, and the only means of travelling there is to go upriver by pirogue. In the forest there lives an indigenous population, divided into two groups, the Emberá and the Wounaans, both belonging to the Ge-Pano-Carib linguistic family. I had landed there by chance, and was so fascinated by this people that I stayed there several times for fairly lengthy periods, over roughly three years. During the entire time I did nothing other than wander aimlessly from one house to the next—for at the time the population refused to live in villages—and learn to live according to a rhythm that was completely different from anything I had known up to that point. Like all true forests, this forest was particularly hostile. I had to draw up a list of all the potential dangers, and of all the corresponding means of survival. I have to say that on the whole the Emberá were very patient with me. They were amused by my awkwardness, and I think that to a certain degree, I was able to repay them in entertainment what they shared with me in wisdom. I did not write a great deal. The rain forest is not really an ideal setting. Your paper gets soaked with the humidity, the heat dries out all your ball point pens. Nothing that has to work off electricity lasts for very long. I had arrived there with the conviction that writing was a privilege, and that I would always be able to resort to it in order to resolve all my existential problems. A protection, in a way; a sort of virtual window that I could roll up as I needed to shelter from the storm.

Once I had assimilated the system of primitive communism practised by the Amerindians, as well as their profound disgust for authority and their tendency towards natural anarchy, I came to see that art, as a form of individual expression, did not have any role to play in the forest. Besides, these people had nothing that resembled what we call art in our consumer society. Instead of hanging paintings on a wall, the men and women painted their bodies, and in general were loath to create anything lasting. And then I gained access to their myths. When we talk of myths, in our world of written books, it seems as if we are referring to something that is very far away, either in time, or in space. I too believed in that distance. And now suddenly the myths were there for me to hear, regularly, almost every night. Near the wood fire that people built in their houses on a hearth of three stones, amidst the dance of mosquitoes and moths, the voice of the storytellers—men and women alike—would set in motion stories, legends, tales, as if they were speaking of a daily reality. The storyteller sang in a shrill voice, striking his breast; his face would mime the expressions and passions and fears of the characters. It might have been something from a novel, not a myth. But one night, a young woman came. Her name was Elvira. She was known throughout the entire forest of the Emberá for her storytelling skills. She was an adventuress, and lived without a man, without children—people said that she was a bit of a drunkard, a bit of a whore, but I don't believe it for a minute—and she would go from house to house to sing, in exchange for a meal or a bottle of alcohol or sometimes a few coins. Although I had no access to her tales other than through translation—the Emberá language has a literary variant that is far more complex than the everyday form—I quickly realized that she was a great artist, in the best sense of the term. The timbre of her voice, the rhythm of her hands tapping against her chest, against her heavy necklaces of silver coins, and above all the air of possession which illuminated her face and her gaze, a sort of measured, rhythmic trance, exerted a power over all those who were present. To the simple framework of her myths—the invention of tobacco, the first primeval twins, stories about gods and humans from the dawn of time—she added her own story, her life of wandering, her loves, the betrayals and suffering, the intense joy of carnal love, the sting of jealousy, her fear of growing old, of dying. She was poetry in action, ancient theatre, and the most contemporary of novels all at the same time. She was all those things with fire, with violence, she invented, in the blackness of the forest, amidst the surrounding chorus of insects and toads and the whirlwind of bats, a sensation which cannot be called anything other than beauty. As if in her song she carried the true power of nature, and this was surely the greatest paradox: that this isolated place, this forest, as far away as could be imagined from the sophistication of literature, was the place where art had found its strongest, most authentic expression.

Then I left that region, and I never saw Elvira again, or any of the storytellers of the forest of Darién. But I was left with far more than nostalgia—with the certainty that literature could exist, even when it was worn away by convention and compromise, even if writers were incapable of changing the world. Something great and powerful, which surpassed them, which on occasion could enliven and transfigure them, and restore the sense of harmony with nature. Something new and very ancient at the same time, impalpable as the wind, ethereal as the clouds, infinite as the sea. It is this something which vibrates in the poetry of Jalal ad-Din Rumi, for example, or in the visionary architecture of Emanuel Swedenborg. The shiver one feels on reading the most beautiful texts of humankind, such as the speech that Chief Stealth gave in the mid-19th century to the President of the United States upon conceding his land: "We may be brothers after all..."

Something simple, and true, which exists in language alone. A charm, sometimes a ruse, a grating dance, or long spells of silence. The language of mockery, of interjections, of curses, and then, immediately afterwards, the language of paradise.

It is to her, to Elvira, that I address this tribute—and to her that I dedicate the Prize which the Swedish Academy is awarding me. To her and to all those writers with whom—or sometimes against whom—I have lived. To the Africans: Wole Soyinka, Chinua Achebe, Ahmadou Kourouma, Mongo Beti, to Alan Paton's Cry the Beloved Country, to Thomas Mofolo's Chaka. To the great Mauritian author Malcolm de Chazal, who wrote, among other things, Judas. To the Hindi-language Mauritian novelist Abhimanyu Unnuth, for Lal passina (Sweating Blood) to the Urdu novelist Qurratulain Hyder for her epic novel Ag ka Darya (River of Fire). To the defiant Danyèl Waro of La Réunion, for his maloya songs; to the Kanak poetess Déwé Gorodey, who defied the colonial powers all the way to prison; to the rebellious Abdourahman Waberi. To Juan Rulfo and Pedro Paramo, and his short stories El llano en llamas, and the simple and tragic photographs he took of rural Mexico. To John Reed for Insurgent Mexico; to Jean Meyer who was the spokesman for Aurelio Acevedo and the Cristeros insurgents of central Mexico. To Luis González, author of Pueblo en vilo. To John Nichols, who wrote about the bitter land of The Milagro Beanfield War; to Henry Roth, my neighbour on New York Street in Albuquerque, New Mexico, for Call it Sleep. To Jean-Paul Sartre, for the tears contained in his play Morts sans sépulture. To Wilfred Owen, the poet who died on the banks of the Marne in 1914. To J.D. Salinger, because he succeeded in putting us in the shoes of a young fourteen-year-old boy named Holden Caulfield. To the writers of the first nations in America – Sherman Alexie the Sioux, Scott Momaday the Navajo for The Names. To Rita Mestokosho, an Innu poet from Mingan, Quebec, who lends her voice to trees and animals. To José Maria Arguedas, Octavio Paz, Miguel Angel Asturias. To the poets of the oases of Oualata and Chinguetti. For their great imagination, to Alphonse Allais and Raymond Queneau. To Georges Perec for Quel petit vélo à guidon chromé au fond de la cour? To the West Indian authors Edouard Glissant and Patrick Chamoiseau, to René Depestre from Haiti, to André Schwartz-Bart for Le Dernier des justes. To the Mexican poet Homero Aridjis who allows us to imagine the life of a leatherback turtle, and who evokes the rivers flowing orange with Monarch butterflies along the streets of his village, Contepec. To Vénus Koury Ghata who speaks of Lebanon as of a tragic, invincible lover. To Khalil Gibran. To Rimbaud. To Emile Nelligan. To Réjean Ducharme, for life.

To the unknown child I met one day, on the banks of the river Tuira, in the forest of Darién. At night, sitting on the floor in a shop, lit by the flame of a kerosene lamp, he is reading a book and writing, hunched forward, not paying the slightest attention to anything around him, oblivious of the discomfort or noise or promiscuity of the harsh, violent life there just next to him. That child sitting cross-legged on the floor of that shop, in the heart of the forest, reading all alone in the lamplight, is not there by chance. He resembles like a brother that other child I spoke about at the beginning of these pages, who was trying to write with a carpenter's pencil on the back of ration books, in the dark years immediately after the war. The child reminds us of the two great urgent tasks of human history, tasks we are far, alas, from having fulfilled. The eradication of hunger, and the elimination of illiteracy.

For all his pessimism, Stig Dagerman's phrase about the fundamental paradox of the writer, unsatisfied because he cannot communicate with those who are hungry—whether for nourishment or for knowledge—touches on the greatest truth. Literacy and the struggle against hunger are connected, closely interdependent. One cannot succeed without the other. Both of them require, indeed urge, us to act. So that in this third millennium, which has only just begun, no child on our shared planet, regardless of gender or language or religion, shall be abandoned to hunger or ignorance, or turned away from the feast. This child carries within him the future of our human race. In the words of the Greek philosopher Heraclitus, a very long time ago, the kingdom belongs to a child.

J.M.G. Le Clézio, Brittany, 4 November 2008

Translated by Alison Anderson

http://nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/literature/laureates/2008/clezio-lecture_en.html

 

Borgo San Dalmazzo

Created: September 1943
Closed: February 1944
Location: Borgo San Dalmazzo (Cuneo - Italy)

Today, there is no trace left of the "Polizeihaftlager" at Borgo San Dalmazzo, near Cuneo, which functioned as a collection point for Jews (of Italian nationality or otherwise) between 18 September and 21 November 1943, and later under the control of the fascist Republic of Salo from 9 December 1943 until 13 February 1944.

Nearly 400 people left this camp, from a wide range of different European nationalities. For many of these, Borgo San Dalmazzo represented the end of attempts at escape from the Nazis that had lasted five years. From here, 352 were deported to Auschwitz, of whom no more than 12 survived, according to the latest research. Two more were sent to Buchenwald.

Amongst these "enemies of the Reich", and of the Republic of Salo, were 148 women and 201 men already interned during the camp's first phase of operation, and 18 women and 8 men in the second phase. Heavily represented amongst the victims were the very young: 78 would not reach their 21st birthday, and of these were less than one year old. 26 prisoners were over 70 years old, of whom three were in their 80s.

Of those deported to the extermination camps, Italians constitute only a small minority (23 out of the 354), for reasons discussed below. The rest (all victims of Nazi racial persecution), with a large number of Poles (119) and French citizens, represented nearly all the nationalities of Europe: Hungarians, Greeks, Germans, Austrians, Romanians, Russians and Croats.

The camp was located in a mountain barracks dedicated to the "Princes of Piedmont", a short distance from the railway station at the entrance to valli Gesso and Vermenagna. Today, only two epitaphs, marking the events that took place in those months on the site, preserve the memory of the detentions and the departure of the trains for Auschwitz, after deportations to French (Drancy) or Italian transit camps (Fossoli, and on two occasions, Bolzano).

The history of the camp can be divided up in two distinct periods, though they follow closely in time.

Phase One: September - November 1943.

The events of 8 September 1943 and the collapse of the Italian Fourth Army meant that all Italian hold on the southern French areas occupied by Italy in November 1942 was greatly weakened. Between 1942 and 1943, the Italian zone, especially the area around Nice and the Alps, had offered a safe haven to many thousands of non-French Jews, who had escaped southern France and were being hounded by the Nazis' ferocious persecution: this system was called "forced" or "assigned" residence, but it did offer the Jews general, if somewhat precarious, safety. One of these areas of residence for the Jews was the town of St.-Martin Vésubie, which eventually housed many thousands of Jews who were able to survive in relative peace until the date of the Italian armistice.

The Vésubie Valley is connected to Cuneo by two alpine passes, via military roads which followed paths of a much older layout to the hills of Finestre and Ciriegia, at 2,400 metres high. Using these alpine passes, one thousand Jews left St.-Martin on 13 September in search of safety, taking the view that the Armistice had made Italy a safe haven for them. Whole families, reaching an estimated total of a thousand people, made their way into the Gesso valley by this route and poured into the towns around Borgo San Dalmazzo (Entraque, Valdieri). This exodus is notable also for the fact that amongst those climbing the passes were children and pensioners, people hardly suited to travelling in mountains. The rest of the Jews who remained behind in St.-Martin were captured by the Nazis after their arrival and were immediately deported.

In these very days, the Nazis occupied Cuneo (on 12 September) and small groups of anti-fascists created the first partisan battalions in the area. On 18 September, an SS commando squad ordered "foreigners... in the territory of Borgo San Dalmazzo and its neighbouring areas" to present themselves to the "German Command in Borgo San Dalmazzo, in the alpine barracks". 349 people, overwhelmingly Jews of Polish, French and German origin (but also Austrians, Romanians, Hungarians and Greeks) either obeyed the order to present themselves, or were captured and sent to the barracks, while others sought refuge amongst the people living in the valleys with the help of a local assistance network. Some joined up with the partisan forces. Amongst the "foreign" internees in the camp were, for a short time, Jews from Cuneo who had been captured on 28 September and then released on 9 November (for reasons what are not clear).

For two months, the barracks prisoners lived in a state of segregation that did not, however, feature the levels of violence that characterised life in other similar camps. Thanks to the intervention of local authorities, a minimum level of assistance was available, including vists from the vice-rabbi of Turin. Even the few successful escapes from the camp did not result in any excessive deterioration of the prisoners' conditions. Prisoners who became ill received authorisation to transfer to hospitals in Borgo, and in serious cases, to Cuneo.

Outside the camp, an organisation to help the prisoners, and to assist the hundreds of refugees scattered across the area was created. Some of the refugees were placed with families living in the valleys, a were put in contact with an assistance network that operated from Genoa all the way to Milan and the Swiss frontier, and which relied mainly on help from local priests.

Parish priests and their deputies in mountain towns developed an assistance network, and contacts with partisan groups and "civil resistance (we should remember that, apart from Don Raimondo Viale, as mentioned in the Libro Omonimo, the deputy priest of Valdieri Don Francesco Brondello was recently declared "Righteous Amongst the Nations" in a ceremony conducted on 2 September 2004 in the synagogue in Cuneo). In this way, many Jews were able to leave the country or move out of danger towards central Italy, using false identity papers. Others remained in hiding in the Borgo San Dalmazzo area, moving from valley to valley over many months, always facing arrest or death. Others joined up with the partisan brigades.

Meanwhile, destiny was now decided for the "foreign" prisoners in the barracks. On the order of the anti-Jewish office of the Gestapo in Nice, they were taken to the train station on 21 November 1943, and from here, loaded in goods wagons, they were sent towards Drancy, via Savona and Nice. The number of prisoners (328 out of the 349 who entered the camp) was later reduced by some cases of escape, death through illness, and the fact that the prisoners recovering in hospital in Cuneo were protected (they managed to hide themselves with the knowledge of hospital personnel). A different fate awaited the 41 ill prisoners found in the hospital in Borgo, who were thrown onto the wagons with the rest.

Most of the group left Drancy for Auschwitz less than a month later, on 7 December. The rest suffered the same fate of transportation to Auschwitz on 17 December and 27 January. The work of Liliana Picciotto has identified 328 individual cases; although there are a few uncertain cases, the rest of the prisoners who were not deported (of the 349 prisoners registered on their arrival at the camp) were able to save themselves, either by escape or in other circumstances (we have already mentioned the case of prisoners recovering in the hospital in Cuneo). No more than ten people survived to see liberation.

After the deportations of 21 November, the Polizeihaftlager of Borgo San Dalmazzo, now left empty, temporarily ceased operations.

Phase Two: December 1943 - February 1944.

Within a few days of the shutting down of the camp by its German management, the Cuneo Police Department (following Police Ordinance No 5 from the RSI - signed by Buffarini Guidi) assigns concentration of the Jews in the province to the barracks at Borgo San Dalmazzo. The first two prisoners, from Saluzzo, are imprisoned on 4 December 1943. While the Jews in Cuneo and Mondovi manage to find safety, the town of Saluzzo (which also housed some refugees from Turin) suffers heavily: individuals living in hiding are rounded up, and 26 people (mainly women) are thus sent to the barracks, under the surveillance and control of Italians. This group, for which a register list exists, is not homogenous: three "foreigners" probably arrive from the group at St.-Martin Vésubie. Two of them were father and daughter (born in 1930), the youngest in 17 years old, and there are three prisoners aged over 60. On the 13 January 1944, the Cuneo Police Department decides to send the 26 prisoners (18 women and 8 men) "by special convoy to the concentration camp at Carpi (Modena), otherwise known as Fossoli. The Italian authorities thus responded to Nazi orders, who wanted to quickly gather together a large enough number of prisoners for transport to Auschwitz and so requested the arrival of the Borgo San Dalmazzo prisoners. The transport that left Fossoli on 22 February included, apart from Primo Levi, 23 of the 26 prisoners from Bogo San Dalmazzo (5 men and 18 women). Six others are registered (four men and two women).

After this transport, the camp at Borgo San Dalmazzo is finally closed down.

Epilogue

A tragic but emblematic epilogue to the story, which can be viewed as the end of this whole sequence of events, arises from the fate of six Jews (two Austrians, two Poles, a Frenchman and a Luxemburger) who were arrested between March and April 1945 between the towns of Cervasca and Demonte, and imprisoned in Cuneo, after arriving from St.-Martin fifteen days earlier. "Handed over to the soldiers of the Black Brigade [Brigata Nera, or BN] on 25 April 1945", as recorded in prison records, they were murdered by machine-gun fire by soldiers of the RSI near to the Soleri viaduct on the same day, just as partisan forces prepared the liberation of the city: this was "the final massacre of Jews on liberated territory in Europe, carried out by Italian Fascists".

(Lucio Monaco - translation by Corey Dimarco)

The priest who helped Jewish people

A contribution to a deeper understanding of what happened to the refugees from St.-Martin Vésubie and the network of assistance that helped many of them to survive is offered in this interview conducted a group of students from the Istituto Tecnico per Geometri “Guarino Guarini” in Turin (Luigi Gentile, Andrea Ragno, Christian di Potenza and Andrea Pozzi, overseen by Professor Antonella Filippi). The text forms part of a wider work presented to the annual “Concorso della Regione Piemonte” on themes of contemporary history. We should also note that Father Brondello was declared “Righteousness amongst the Nations” on 2 September 2004, in a ceremony at the synagogue in Cuneo.

http://www.deportati.it/en_borgo_sd.htm

 

“Every Word Contains the World,” A Conversation Between Adam Gopnik and Nobel Prize Winner J.M.G. Le Clézio

Sunday, April 26, 2009By LaNew-Yorkaise

Friday night’s conversation between New Yorker writer and novelist Adam Gopnik and 2008 Nobel Prize winner J.M.G. Le Clézio addressed many themes that have run through festivals past and present: the legacy of colonialism on language and literature, the impact of war on memory and artistic movements, and how the lands a writer come from (real and imagined) shape art.

An Unlikely Duo

Le Clézio and Gopnik walked on stage together, the Nobel laureate a full foot taller than his Canadian interviewer, seeming larger-than-life on the minimal stage set with two chairs and a table (water for Le Clézio, water and hot tea for Gopnik.)

The oddly mismatched pair sat side-by-side, Le Clézio leaning forward, his long legs and too short pants revealing white socks, and Gopnik, cross-legged and straight-backed in his seat. Throughout the evening, Gopnik provided the comic relief (making several jokes at the expense of his native Canada) to Le Clézio’s straight talk, though the two men–both of whom have raised families in foreign countries–found common ground on the nature of writing, multiculturalism, and yes, Spam.

Spam and Wonderbread

Le Clézio was in Nice at the outbreak of World War II, and his earliest memory is of a bomb falling across the street from his Grandmother’s home: “I remember falling on the ground and shrieking,” he said, recalling the terrible noise whistling through the air.

But the bomb was dropped not by German planes, but Canadian ones, targeting the German population in the area. When he heard this, the Canadian Gopnik interjected with a sincere apology on the part of his country.

Le Clézio confessed to not having a larger awareness of world events at the time (he was just a boy), but stated: “I didn’t have historical knowledge of what happened but I know personal feelings, sensations…I suffered from hunger, I remember being on the road, the Americans coming, begging for food…” To this today, he recalls with precision what the American GIs gave him: gum, white bread (which he said was delicious) and Spam. “For me, they were the beginning of life,” he said.

To this, Gopnik pronounced: “It was a great moment in Franco-American relations: we sent them Spam and Wonderbread and they gave us Le Clézio!”

On Voyaging and “Creolization”

Le Clézio is a man who can justly call many places home. He traces his traveling tendencies back to the influence of his ancestors: “My family is from Brittany and Britons are poor like the Irish. My ancestors left Brittany for Mauritius—an island, very small,” he said. His far-flung extended family meant that he was exposed to many languages at a young age: “My father was a medical officer in Nigeria, my uncle was in Trinidad…My cousins spoke English for scientific matters at school, French for literary things, and Creole in their general life.” Le Clézio himself has two passports: one French, the other from Mauritius.

Gopnik asked if the idea of “creolized” sound, an authentic language culture, was important to a man who grew up surrounded with the sounds of diverse tongues.

“Creolization, it’s a good thing, to mix, adapt to a new identity,” he said. “My parents believed in this.”

Le Clézio said that while he was born in the south of France, he never felt he truly belonged there: “For me, I couldn’t really call any place my country- my country was my imagination,” he said, “language was my real place and I began to write.”

He recalled how he used to relish reading the volumes of French, Spanish and English literature from his grandparent’s library. “There were no books for children,” he said, so instead he read the classics, as well as several dictionaries. “I still see life through those pages,” he says of the latter. He paused and smiled, remembering what he called a “conversation dictionary” from the 19th century,“designed to teach young women not to embarrass their husbands.”

While this particular dictionary once taught women who could not go to college about the world, it filled the future Nobel prize winner’s head with images of the world beyond his grandparent’s library: “I have a strange perception of the world through those books,” he mused.

Gopnik defined this strangeness as the “precision” in Le Clézio’s earlier works, such as 1967’s L’extase matérielle, in which he wrote: “I am in love with details. I like all small things and creatures, for I admire animals, just as much as I admire objects. The more they are needed, the more pleasure they give me.”

Le Clézio said it was while reading those dictionaries that he came across images of ancient Peruvian civilization that sparked his later interest in the “New World” (his doctoral thesis was on Mexico’s early history.) “I read that and it made me dream, something exciting had happened there,” he said.

Later in life, Le Clézio moved to Mexico, teaching at a small college and chasing the dreams of his boyhood. But he says that safety concerns for his wife and two young children spurred him to leave: “We did what most people do in Mexico—we crossed the border.” (A somewhat uncomfortable joke, especially in light of the swine flu epidemic said to have begun in Mexico.)

Since that crossing, Le Clézio has been all over America, most recently in Albuquerque, New Mexico. Of his current continent, he exclaimed: “I like very much the New World!”

Celebrating Salinger, Or Literature of Questions

“One of the first modern novels I read was J.D. Salinger,” said Le Clézio, “I was 17, 18 when I read Salinger.” It was this book that helped to shape his impression of what novels should be,  a “theatrical play felt from the inside.” When he reads a good novel, he says the reader should be “swallowed” by the novel: “when I read Catcher in the Rye, I am Holden Caulfield,” he said.

He even confessed to emulating Salinger’s writing practices. Having read somewhere that Salinger had a hut in his back yard where he would go to write, he emulated his idol by doing the same.

Le Clézio’s favorite short story is Salinger’s “Perfect Day for a Banana Fish,” which he saw as the story of the confrontation of power (Hemingway) by the inner soul of literature (Salinger).

“Literature is contrary to knowledge and affirmation. Literature is a series of questions,” said Le Clézio. He recalls how the world “crashed” after the Second World War: “At 10-15 years old, I was sure of absolutely nothing. You couldn’t believe in the message of literature, it can’t give a lesson. It can express questions, anger, derision, but not security,” he said.

“The first 15-20 years [of my life experience] were more a negation of Malraux, of “littérature engage,” Le Clézio said. He loved Malraux’s La Condition Humaine and the plays of Sartre, but somehow the philosophies of these texts failed him.

To Gopnik’s response that “all generations fail,” Le Clézio replied: “Failure was the Algerian war, trying to impose on a nation colonial power.”

Gopnik, seizing his chance, asked, “I always felt there was a clandestine dialogue between you and Camus. Did you feel that?”

Le Clézio responded that he likes Camus because he “doesn’t give affirmation.” He couldn’t choose between Algerian independence and his love for France, and “for this I loved him, he was a witness to contradictions, he was convinced the world had no other meaning.”

The contradictions that Camus bore witness to seemed to mirror his own experiences: “I spent most of my childhood on the Mediterranean, I could see Algeria on other side of the sea. Some of my friends in school died in Algeria, they were killed,” Le Clézio said. He considers himself lucky because, “I lived in a sharp world with strong light and a beautiful sea yet at the same time I had all this great angst,” he recalls.

Le Clézio feels the experience of the Algerian War was an “important part of my education,” and that, following the realities of war, he found the writings of the Greek Philosophers inadequate commentary on life’s meaning: “it didn’t give me questions of life.”

“In a sunny country, you shouldn’t feel angst,” Le Clézio said. “I read Camus in the shade of an olive tree— that was a privilege.”

“En Plein Air” The Landscapes of Le Clézio

Landscape, as Gopnik pointed out, plays a hugely important role in Le Clézio’s work. The author admitted he used to write entirely out of doors (“en plein aire,” as Gopnik’s put it), and spoke of taking books to the beach—something you can viscerally experience in the beach sequence in The Interrogation.

“The conventions of light and sun, the strength of nature- you could not do that in Paris or London—you would have to do that under an umbrella!” Le Clézio joked.

Though he now writes primarily indoors, at an “ordinary desk” in New Mexico, Le Clézio said he continues to see the same instincts, language, and dreams in all parts of nature, even seeing towns and urban landscapes as “a production of nature.”

Gopnik brought up the fact that one of La Clézio’s students or a follower of his work once said his ambition was to obtain “a humanism without human beings at the center,” asking if this was true.

“I wish I could do that but I am a human being, everything I write is from a human being’s point of view,” Le Clézio lamented. He said that he feels the closest to this state of “humanism without humans” when he reads ancient Indian spiritual texts or the poems of Rimbaud: “When I read this, it makes me shiver,” he said.

On Why He’s Not a “New Novelist”

The Interrogation was published when I was 22 years old. At 22 you want to break (down) doors, you have to be violent, say that you exist, I wanted to say something,” he said. “As you age, you change, you begin to understand you don’t need to say ‘I exist,’” Le Clézio laughed.

Le Clézio said he submitted the manuscript of The Interrogation with a letter saying, “This is NOT a new novel.” “I wanted a strong separation. I felt more closely linked to the New York Jewish novel, I felt more connected to those writers talking about rebellion.”

He says he felt a suspicion towards the “New Novel” writers, strongly identifying with Nathalie Sarraute’s Age of Suspicion: “suspicion is a good description for that time,” he said, referring to his feelings towards Socialists who he feels “never saw what was happening, or were blind” to the negative aspects of the communist regimes in China and Russia.

Le Clézio sees the real new literature as emerging from authors in former French colonies choosing to tell their stories in French. He feels that the guilt about slavery and colonialism can be forgiven through their use of the former colonizer’s language, citing examples such as Franz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth and Aimé Césaire’s Cahier d’un retour au pays natal as writers who exemplify this “new literature.” He said he was “honored” by their choice to write in his native tongue, and maintains that the best writers in French literature now are writers from Africa, the West Indies, and Quebec.

Le Clézio’s memories of war and his childhood experiences in Africa and Nigeria (where he visited his father) made him sensitive to the ways of colonialism: “I still remember violent images in Africa,” he said. He recalled one day where he saw people being led in a chain gangs along the road to build a swimming pool for a colonial official. He recalls how the official looked on at the scene, motionless, in a white hat.

“It was a privilege to bear witness to these things,” he said. “Now I can read about the slave trade, and I know what that means, I saw it with my own eyes,” he said.

Language and Nationality

When an audience member asked about a Nobel committee member’s recent criticism of American literary culture, Gopnik reformatted the question to ask if Le Clézio feels that his win reaffirms the importance of French literature and its relevance in the modern world.

“I have two passports, I belong to both nations,” Le Clézio said of his dual citizenship in Mauritius and France. “I don’t think literature is strictly connected to a nationality, literature makes use of language,” he said, citing Joseph Conrad’s choice to write in English despite the fact that it was not his native tongue.

He feels an author’s work doesn’t belong to a nation, but to “the language in which you write.” “For me, the French language is not declining,” he said, citing authors around the world like Glissant, Chamoiseau and Césaire as breathing new life into the language from many corners of the globe.

When asked if he had political views or a cause he feels strongly about, Le Clézio stressed his separation between the spheres of writing and politics, reiterating his desire to “not write pamphlets,” but novels. He did admit to feeling indignant at times, such as when news reports discussed the weight of bombs falling on Baghdad, bombs three times the size of the one that fell near his Grandmother’s home in World War II.

He said that while he’s not fit for protest—“I can’t even defend myself against a policeman, what can I do?”—He admitted to feeling pride at his daughter’s recent participation in an anti-Iraq War protest in the streets of Albuquerque: “It was very good, I’m glad she did that,” he said, qualifying it with the assertion “I am not a man of politics.”

Yet it is difficult to take this comment at face value. Case in point: during a point in the conversation where he was discussing writers in former colonies writing in French, Le Clézio began to cough, and took out a package of mints from his pocket, popping one into his mouth. Gopnik laughed and called attention to the packaging of these seemingly innocuous “Indictmints” :The box was plastered with the faces of the Bush administration behind bars.

Genesis of Wandering Star

Wandering Star is Le Clézio’s critically-acclaimed novel about two young girls on opposite sides of the fence during the creation of Israel, and in his discussion with Gopnik, he revealed the very personal histories behind his story.

A young Le Clézio and his family hid in the mountains of Nice during World War II, and years later, his mother told him that in the next village over, Jews had been herded up by the Italians: “I had been so close to this drama, I had been a part of it –maybe I had seen the children,” he mused. “I wanted to free myself of the terrible and great history at the same time.”

“When my mother told me the story of the mountains, I was writing a short story of a Palestinian girl,” he said, referring to what would eventually become the second storyline in Wandering Star, originally two separate works.

He says he was reluctant to publish the novel immediately, as the first intifada happened as he was writing. He confessed there was also originally a portion of the book about Lebanon, which he suppressed, feeling it was “too close to actuality—I didn’t want it to be a pamphlet.”

All in all, Wandering Star took four or five years to complete, but all the while he was motivated to complete the memory of his mother; he felt he had been a witness to a story he needed to tell. “I was a contemporary witness at the same time to what was happening in Palestine and in Jordan,” Le Clézio said, referring to newspaper coverage of the conflict.

Le Clézio feels that even if one reads a terrible novel, it is written with a love for humanity, a concern for the other at heart. Citing Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein, he said she let us see the “monster in us also—we need to know we can be monsters to help us to cure our own monstrousness.”

About the Participants:

J. M. G. Le Clézio, winner of the 2008 Nobel Prize in Literature, was born in Nice in 1940 and is one of France’s best-known contemporary writers.

He has written more than 40 fiction and nonfiction books, including works for children.

The Interrogation, his first novel, published when he was only 23, was a literary sensation. It received the prestigious Renaudot Prize in France and the author was recognized, as the Swedish academy put it, as “a conjurer who tried to lift words above the degenerate state of everyday speech and to restore to them the power to invoke an essential reality.”

He currently divides his time between Albuquerque, New Mexico, where he has taught literature for many years, Mauritius, and Nice.

Adam Gopnik is a writer, essayist, and commentator who has been writing for The New Yorker since 1986.

A series of his essays for The New Yorker were collected and published as Paris to the Moon. He is the author of Through the Children’s Gate, Angels and Ages, and a children’s novel, The King in the Window.

He is a three-time winner of National Magazine Awards for Essay and for Criticism and a George Polk Award for Magazine Writing.

Gopnik was a participant in the 2007 and 2005 PEN World Voices Festivals.

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